Sameera Casmod | sameerac@radioislam.co.za
13 September 2024 | 15:29 SAST
6-minute read

• The stability of the Government of National Unity (GNU)
• Steenhuisen’s change of heart about his appointment of Roman Cabanac
• DA and ActionSA’s opposition to the BELA Bill: an effort to win support from right-wing conservative middle class?
• ActionSA’s long standing coalition in the city of Tshwane under threat
• Insufficient mechanisms in place to ensure information is secure; Information Regulator issues statements on corporations including Whatsapp, IEC and Lancet
• The political legacy of Pravin Gordhan

Uncertainty on the success of coalitions threatens stability of the government of National Unity (GNU)

Presidential Spokesperson Vincent Magwenya has refuted claims of instability in the GNU following reports of conflicts between coalition parties about the BELA Bill.

The Democratic Alliance (DA) has announced its intention to take further action if President Ramaphosa proceeds to sign the bill- which was signed into law earlier today. The party argued that the bill reflects the president’s autocratic power in appointing cabinet and ignores the DA’s demands.

The conflict indicates the continuation of challenges faced in the lead-up to the GNU’s formation about the role that the second-largest party plays in the coalition, Research Director Angelo Fick at the Auwal Socioeconomic Research Institute (ASRI) said.

“The ANC-DA conflict inside the GNU predates the formation of the GNU and its cabinet,” Fick noted. “This is an agreement between people who have massive ideological differences but also have a long-standing history of opposing one another,” he added.

While it appears that there is instability within the coalition, a dispute resolution mechanism to resolve disagreements will enable parties within the GNU to concur on the formation of policies, thereby improving its durability.

Steenhuisen’s ‘mistaken’ appointment of Cabanac

The DA’s John Steenhusien has admitted that he did not complete due diligence checks on his appointment of Roman Cabanac as his chief of staff, which he now confesses was a mistake after maintaining until recently that he made the right choice.

“It weakens Mr Steenhuisen’s position, not just in the Government of National Unity and in the public mind, but I suspect also in his party,” Fick noted.

Cabanac’s quick rise to such a senior position has no doubt raised eyebrows within the DA, Fick said. It also raises questions about Minister Steenhuisen’s ability to make sound judgments in the agriculture portfolio, which is a complex portfolio that must overcome a variety of political and climate catastrophe challenges to ensure sufficient food production and the supervision of the country’s rural farmers.

DA and ActionSA’s opposition to the BELA Bill: an effort to win support from conservative middle class?

The DA is unlikely to follow through on its threat to reconsider its position in the GNU now that the BELA Bill has been signed into law.

“The DA is now in the Government of National Unity and will presumably have to support it,” Fick said.

The possible reason for the DA and ActionSA’s objections to the bill could be to garner support from the people on the right of the political spectrum.

“Since the Leon Coetzee report about the DA’s performance in 2019, the party has wanted to gain back those more conservative and right-wing voters who have moved their vote on to the Freedom Front Plus,” Fick said.

Fick emphasised that the main issue about the bill as outlined by Section27 is that it will provide the provincial government with more power, thus reducing the role of school governing bodies.

“[The issue with the bill is] not the stuff around the education of children, homeschooling, language decisions,” Fick clarified.

Analysts have warned that some of the criticism levelled at the bill is unfounded and an attempt to make aspects of the bill appear more contentious than they are.

ActionSA’s long standing coalition in the city of Tshwane under threat

The influence of provincial and national politics on local government politics has manifested itself in ActionSA’s reassessment of its coalition with the DA in Tshwane and reflects a pattern of incoherence within some of the smaller parties.

The motion of no confidence in Tshwane Mayor Cilliers Brink, which will be heard later this month, presents opportunities for ActionSA to fill positions in the Tshwane government, which could also have led to its reassessment.

Fick said it remains to be seen whether it will also translate into a realignment of its position with the ANC at national level, considering that ActionSA is the same party that has suggested it will sue the ANC-led GNU because of the BELA Bill.

Fick said that the matter points to the instability within coalitions: “I think coalitions are deeply unstable because there’s cherry-picking on issues to support, as there is cherry-picking on which issues will trigger collapses or realignments in coalitions.”

Insufficient mechanisms in place to ensure information is secure; Information Regulator issues statements on corporations including Whatsapp, IEC and Lancet  

Almost every South African citizen can relate to telephone calls from telemarketers, insurance salespeople and a variety of different polling companies. This is directly related to the insufficient rigour with which the Protection of Personal Information Act (Popia) is implemented.

The IEC, WhatsApp LLC, Blouberg municipality and Lancet Laboratories were issued with enforcement notices by the Information Regulator after it launched an investigation into possible breaches of the Popia.

“The breach of the barrier that keeps the information that the IEC has about all of us as voters on the voters’ roll, was seen when the candidates’ list got leaked ahead od the elections this year,” Fick said.

The regulator has warned that there are insufficient mechanisms in place to ensure that information is kept securely.

The matter has raised concerns about what extraterritorial organisations – those corporations that work across different countries and don’t have data centres or servers in South Africa- do with the information that is generated by the country through social and online communications.

The absence of regulation for extraterritorial corporations is a serious concern. While local media and communications are governed by bodies like the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA) and the Broadcasting Complaints Commission of South Africa (BCCSA), social media giants often operate as if they are beyond the reach of these regulations, claiming that they are not South African entities despite serving the country’s users.

The political legacy of Pravin Gordhan

Pravin Gordhan, a veteran of South Africa’s political landscape, leaves behind a multifaceted legacy, shaped by his anti-apartheid activism, his post-apartheid government roles, and his controversial later years in public office.

Gordhan’s political journey began with his involvement in the anti-apartheid struggle, where he played a pivotal role in the South African Communist Party and later the African National Congress (ANC). His work was instrumental in the fight to dismantle apartheid and negotiate the birth of a democratic South Africa. Gordhan served in the first post-apartheid governments, and his early career was marked by efforts to create an inclusive state that broke away from the exclusionary policies of the National Party.

His contributions in the early years of democracy were widely celebrated as part of a new generation of leaders committed to building a fair and just society for all South Africans, regardless of race. Gordhan’s work was seen as crucial to laying the foundations of a post-apartheid state, one that sought to reverse the injustices of the past and create a united South Africa.

From 2012 onwards, Gordhan’s political career took on a different tone. As a key figure in various ministerial portfolios, including the Treasury and Public Enterprises, he became known for his resistance to state capture, a period during which widespread corruption infiltrated South Africa’s government and institutions. Gordhan was lauded as one of the few leaders who stood firm against the tide of corruption, working to protect the integrity of state resources and institutions.

He was often portrayed as a figure who helped stave off the worst effects of state capture, especially during the presidency of Jacob Zuma. His stance earned him both admiration and enemies, particularly among those implicated in corruption scandals. Gordhan’s attempts to shield key state entities from misuse and exploitation cemented his reputation as a guardian of state accountability.

However, in the later years of his career, Gordhan’s legacy became more complex. His relationship with certain sectors of the media and the public became strained. Critics pointed to an autocratic approach and an unwillingness to face scrutiny, especially in his interactions with other state authorities, such as the Hawks, during their investigations into various government actions.

Some argued that the man who once championed openness and accountability now showed a reluctance to be questioned or challenged. This shift in attitude was seen as emblematic of the struggles faced by many post-apartheid leaders—those who, in their younger years, pushed for transparency and democratic principles but later found themselves resistant to the same scrutiny they once demanded of others.

As a result, Gordhan’s once-untarnished legacy became marred by perceptions of aloofness and defensiveness, raising questions about the nature of leadership in a post-apartheid state. His actions in the later stages of his career stood in contrast to the idealism of his early days, leading some to believe that long-standing power can dull the desire for openness.

In a country where the average age of its citizens is 27, and the majority of its leaders are 60 and older, Gordhan’s journey prompts important reflections on the need for generational leadership change.

Listen to the ASRI Report on Sabaahul Muslim with Moulana Sulaimaan Ravat.